The Impact of AFSPA on the Mental Health of the Naga People - MHI

CONTEXT

11

HUMAN RIGHTS

The Impact of AFSPA on the
Mental Health of the Naga People

The Role of the Armed Forces
in Perpetuating Generational Trauma

Salew P. Kadena

AUTHOR

Studio Ping Pong

illustrator

illustrator’s bio

Amreeta Banerjee

Alice A. Barwa completed her MA in Education from Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Univerity, Delhi (AUD), in 2022, and is from the Oraon Adivasi community, a native of Chhotanagpur Plateau, Chhattisgarh. She has been an advocate for Adivasi rights and voices as a member of an Adivasi youth collective @TheAdivasiPost, and has been an Adivasi youth representative at UN Climate Change Conference in Glasgow, Scotland, in 2021. Her research interests include education, culture, sociology, and linguistics.

This article argues that the Armed Forces (Special Powers Act) (AFSPA), 1958, a legalised offence, lies at the root of mental health distress and generational trauma in the Naga areas. The Naga people inhabit, along with other communities, the Northeastern states of Nagaland, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, and Assam, though the impact of AFSPA is felt in all the seven states of the region. The act covers the deployment of the Indian Armed Forces, the state forces, and paramilitary forces (henceforth collectively referred to as ‘the armed forces’) in areas classified as ‘disturbed’. This refashioned colonial-era law passed by the erstwhile Jawaharlal Nehru government not only gives broad rights to the armed forces – including the right to use force and arrest people without a warrant – but also empowers them with unbridled access and immunity against any judicial scrutiny.

This act, which has been in effect in different parts of the Northeast by turns since its passing, has led to innumerable human rights violations including rape, extra-judicial murder, molestation, and torture.

Numerous organisations and people have criticised the act and called for its repeal. But the law remains in place due to, it can be argued, the Centre’s intransigence and the judiciary’s reluctance, the Centre’s numbness to the periphery, and more importantly, the system’s violent aversion to Indigenous tribes, who form the majority population of the Northeast areas under AFSPA.

Apart from these physical cruelties, the Nagas also experience mental distress due to this draconian law, which is often overlooked. Physical ailments have always taken precedence over mental health in conflict areas. Also, in poverty-prone regions, the focus is on ‘primary needs’, which usually do not include mental health. Moreover, there is both non-availability of mental healthcare as well as poor access to whatever little resources might be available. This is evident from the fact that there is a lack of overall healthcare facilities in the region. A study by New Delhi–based think tank Development Intelligence Unit shows that 73% of people from the Northeast migrate to other regions for medical treatment.

Even the most developed countries still flounder when it comes to mental health. In the United States, for instance, a massive 57% of the population is reported to suffer from difficulties related to mental health, and even amongst those undertaking treatment, 31% are apprehensive of the stigma among their friends and family. In low- and middle-income countries, the numbers are exceedingly low and up to 85% are untreated. Moreover, according to the United Nations (UN), one in five individuals in conflict zones suffer from mental health concerns, considerably more than the global average. The situation in Naga regions under the rule of AFSPA only proves this.

The Oinam massacre, the murder of Thangjam Manorama, the Mokokchung massacre, the Oting killings, and the Phor village massacre are only some of the recorded instances of the armed forces perpetrating excessive human rights violations on innocent civilians in Naga-inhabited areas. During the law’s initial application in the 1950s, covering the Naga areas of Manipur and Nagaland, there were multiple cases of human rights violations, most of which were not extensively documented, when entire villages were dislodged and granaries burned. This agrarian society considers granaries to be ‘sacred’ and representative of the community’s physical and mental nourishment. The enforcement of AFSPA is indicative of deliberate targeting of the psychological stability in the populace and perpetuating the cycle of trauma.

Mental health distress is prevalent especially among the older generation Nagas, who have borne the brunt of the violence in the region since AFSPA’s inception. These tales of displacement and horror, weaving together multiple generations, have also mushroomed into intergenerational trauma. 

The enforcement of AFSPA lies at the very root of psychological tyranny over Nagas not only in the region but also those outside it; it has a cascading effect. Migrants from the Northeast are looked upon by people of the ‘Mainland’ as those from regions of perpetual strife. With prevalent binaries of ‘Mainland India’ and ‘the Northeast’, the latter has ended up becoming perceived as a hotbed of terrorism. This is also another stratagem to subvert reconciliation and normalise the perception of the region being a ‘disturbed zone’. Such terms lead to the creation and continuation of stigma. 

While there are some steps towards peace in the region and even a decline in recorded atrocities, AFSPA is still operational in several parts of the Northeast and its repeal remains elusive, keeping the fear of the violence alive, especially for the older generation. 

There is an urgent need for an official acknowledgment of war crimes on non-combatants and the nefarious deployment of AFSPA against innocent civilians in the region. This would lead to a semblance of ‘closure’ for the afflicted and to dialogue for peace and amnesty. However, establishing the atrocities of the armed forces is a slippery slope, and especially under the vestiges of AFSPA, it would most likely remain an unfulfilled hope. Moreover, in the construction and perpetuation of the idea of ‘disturbed areas’, there is a normalisation of the routine violence, which has trivialised all civilian atrocities and mental health trauma throughout the region and so is comfortably shielded from neutral, external evaluation. 

In such a situation, there is active denial, a complete whitewash of generational mental trauma. A clear example is the construction of an Assam Rifles memorial in Mokokchung district of Nagaland, whose residents had witnessed atrocities at the hands of the same contingent. Another instance is the assault on the memory of the Oting killings. In 2021, a unit of the Indian Army’s Para Special Forces massacred civilians in Oting village of Nagaland and tried to pass them off as militants by dressing them up in military fatigues. As a response, a Black Day was solemnly observed in all the Naga areas and the Hornbill Festival, an annual cultural event organised by the Nagaland state government, had to be called off that year. However, in the 2023 edition of the Hornbill Festival, the Indian Army morung, or house, was featured, even with people strongly protesting against it. 

Addressing intergenerational trauma is a very complex process, which involves engagement from several stakeholders, including multiple organs of the State as well as the affected people. The primary steps towards this would be renewing the trust and confidence of the local populace and rectifying past blunders through a sincere outreach attempt. One of the most crucial aspects of this would be setting up a strong mental health framework for the community. In recent times, the armed forces have initiated certain outreach programmes, such as organising football tournaments and medical camps. Despite the bloody history, football has turned out to be a galvanising sport, an instrument of hope and a successful coping mechanism. But these are still band-aids, the fractures run deep. It is incumbent on the government of the day to earnestly endeavour for peace, reconciliation, and healing.

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