Through the twenty-first century, populist right-wing leaders and competitive authoritarian regimes have been on the rise in different countries. The regimes we live under have a direct impact on the biopsychosocial well-being of individuals and communities. It has been shown that authoritarianism has a direct impact on mental health: they may lead to depressive symptoms, internalisation of oppression, externalisation of self-blame, insecurity in social relations, decrease in sense of safety and control, and hopelessness. Authoritarian regimes also tend to be heteropatriarchal regimes – a sociopolitical system in which cis-heterosexual males have power over all other identities of gender and sexualities – further influencing mental health through gender inequalities, discrimination and violence, and marginalisation and stigmatisation, all these also intersecting with class, racial, and ethnic identities. Therefore, interventions for global mental health need to take into consideration the power inequalities and social injustices of authoritarian and heteropatriarchal regimes. This paper examines how women and LGBTQI+ communities under such regimes can reclaim their mental health rights, which would also involve freedom from oppression, and how their experiences, strategies, and knowledge can help reframe global mental health norms.
The impact of authoritarian regimes can be further understood in the context of the neoliberal economies in play today. How does authoritarian neoliberalism impact our daily existence? What is it like to be someone who is the bearer of an ideology or identity that is directly and uninterruptedly under its attack?
Authoritarian neoliberalism can be roughly summarised as the authoritarian accumulation mode of neoliberalism. It is aptly called ‘reverse hegemony’, and it relies on a strategy in which the moral direction of society is seemingly exercised by the poor, yet an attack on workers’ rights is simultaneously in place for the benefit of the bourgeois class. Authoritarian neoliberal regimes are driven by a power bloc that ironically brings together large parties of the ruling and working classes within a conservative, anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQI+ context.
The power blocs of these regimes need the people to be impoverished and incapacitated in order to rule over them without resistance. An authoritarian neoliberal regime weakens voters – both as individuals and as members of society – intellectually, mentally, and physically. The more people are impoverished mentally and intellectually, the more they cling to the conservative government to protect them against perceived threats from ‘progressive’ groups such as the LGBTQI+ community or women’s rights groups.
Moreover, this regime promotes only a neoliberal well-being, while eliminating all other societal and political grounds of well-being. Neoliberal well-being reduces problems and solutions to an individualistic level. It triggers excessive self-love, but that which is in conflict with ‘being friends with yourselves’. It suggests people take an anti-political stand for the sake of their wellness. All the more, it suggests a default pattern that supposedly can be applied to everything, whether one is a gay person ostracised from the traditional family, or a worker with a twelve-hour workday, or a political activist facing societal and political threat. It serves only one category of the public, the bourgeoisie, and provides unidimensional, heteronormative suggestions to be applied to varied problems for varied classes of population. Summarily, neoliberal rendering of well-being intentionally overlooks those who fall outside of the normative frame.
Authoritarian regimes employ multifarious methods to sustain their use of power, some of which correspond to the psychosocial sphere of society. They induce insecurity among certain subgroups of society, while providing illusional security for others, and they dredge up uncertainty by creating a situation of deteriorating social norms. In order to gain social control, on the one hand, these regimes reconstruct and mainstream norms that are considered normative among groups they wish to please – for instance, queerphobia. On the other hand, these patriarchal and misogynistic regimes do not hesitate to twist and misappropriate progressive politics to suit their agenda. These are two sides of the same coin. On the one side, an authoritarian regime may target women and LGBTQI+ people. For instance, Javier Milei, the current president of Argentina, is virulently against abortion rights, and he also shut down the Ministry of Women, Gender, and Diversity. Russia’s top court banned what it calls the ‘international LGBT public movement’ in November 2023. On the other side of the coin, the authoritarian regime also uses gender politics as a strategy to legitimise itself, which is called gender washing and democratic backsliding. For example, in Algeria and Mozambique through NGOs, or in Turkey through political party discourse. For this reason, it is key to understand how authoritarian and patriarchal regimes operate through the ‘norm’, ‘normal’, and the ‘normative’, and its relationship with individual and community mental health.
Given the personal is political, to prevent the underrepresentation of lived experiences of women and LGBTQI+ people in global mental health as well as to avoid overlooking historical and structural power inequalities, there is a growing discussion to reframe the norms of mental health and psychosocial interventions, mental health policies, standards and norms, and science and research. Throughout the history of psychological sciences, various feminist and queer interventions have transformed existing norms of mental health. One example is the reframing of trauma and trauma theory through the struggle and hard work of the feminist movement on sexual and gender-based violence. Another example is the reframing of gender identity disorder in international diagnostic manuals, such as in both the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-5 (DSM-5) and the International Classification of Diseases-11 (ICD-11), which the trans movement brought about through the Stop Trans Pathologisation 2012 campaign.
But there is still a long way to go, given the effects of structural inequalities and oppressions on the mental health of women and queer people. There are efforts to reframe the norms of global mental health by fostering new lenses in terms of equality, inclusion and diversity, decolonisation of the body, labour and care, intersectionality, and freedom from violence.
The very existence of queer people becomes a radical act against authoritarian regimes, as lesbian, black activist, and poet Audre Lorde has emphasised. Therefore, instead of chasing a neoliberal interpretation of well-being, LGBTQI+ and feminist communities should build the ideas of queer political well-being. As a mechanism of self-protection, especially against the oppression of authoritarian institutions, it is also necessary to acknowledge our mutual dependency as members of an organisation, movement, or community. Transcending one-dimensionality – which is suggested by a masculine way of politics and organising – and encouraging reparative perspectives in our relationships seem to be indispensable to our individual, intersubjective, organisational, and societal well-being. All these measures transcend the dichotomic understanding of politics, organising, and life itself. Instead of reacting to the daily developments, a responsive approach which allows us to see how an alternative family, organisation, community, society, and world which is not deprived of the LGBTQI+ and feminist perspectives would thrive, is crucial.